MOSCOW, October 4 - RIA Novosti. The October 1993 putsch was not accidental - it was being prepared for two years and, as a result, actually killed people's confidence in the authorities, says Sergei Filatov, president of the Foundation for Socio-Economic and Intellectual Programs, former head of the Yeltsin Presidential Administration.
Twenty years ago, on October 3-4, 1993, clashes broke out in Moscow between supporters of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR and Russian President Boris Yeltsin (1991-1999). The confrontation between the two branches of Russian power, which lasted since the collapse of the USSR - the executive, represented by Russian President Boris Yeltsin, and the legislative, represented by the parliament - the Supreme Soviet (Supreme Soviet) of the RSFSR, headed by Ruslan Khasbulatov, around the pace of reforms and methods of building a new state on October 3-4, 1993 into an armed conflict and ended with a tank shelling of the residence of the parliament - the House of Soviets (the White House).
Chronicle of the events of the political crisis in the fall of 1993 in RussiaTwenty years ago, in early October 1993, tragic events took place in Moscow that ended with the storming of the building of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation and the abolition of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet in Russia.The tension was building
“What happened on October 3-4, 1993, was not predetermined by one day. that it was a purposeful struggle on the part of the Supreme Council against the reforms carried out by the government, "Filatov said at a multimedia round table on the topic:" October 1993 putsch. Twenty years later ... "held at RIA Novosti on Friday.
According to him, the two top officials of the state - Boris Yeltsin and the head of the Supreme Soviet (Supreme Soviet) of the RSFSR Ruslan Khasbulatov - failed to enter the "normal path of relations." Moreover, "absolute and deep mistrust" arose between the two top officials, he added.
Political scientist Leonid Polyakov agreed with this opinion.
"In fact, the 1993 putsch is a postponed GKChP of 1991. In 1991 these people, seeing hundreds of thousands of Muscovites who surrounded the White House, the leaders of the GKChP simply, as they say, were afraid. At first they frightened themselves by bringing tanks to the capital. , and then they themselves were afraid of what they had done. But the forces that stood behind it, and the people who sincerely believed in what turned out to be destroyed in August 1991, they did not disappear. And two years followed, the most difficult, the hardest in our history, which fell on the collapse of the USSR and the disappearance of the state ... By October 1993, this explosive potential has accumulated, "- said Polyakov.
conclusions
Conclusions from the events of 1993, according to Filatov, can be made both positive and negative.
“The fact that we have eliminated the dual power is positive, the fact that we have adopted the Constitution is positive. And the fact that we actually killed people's trust in the authorities and this continued for all the other 20 years is an obvious fact that we have restored to this day. we can’t, ”he said.
In turn, the political scientist Polyakov expressed the hope that the events of 1993 were "the last Russian revolution."
Film about the events of 1993
During the round table, a film about the events of October 1993, filmed by RIA Novosti specialists in a web documentary format, was presented, which received world recognition due to the fact that the viewer has the ability to interact with the content and has more freedom of action than the viewer of a plot with a linear form of narration. where the course of the story is predetermined by the director. This is the third RIA Novosti film in 2013 in an interactive format.
"For each of the participants in these events, it was a part of his life, a part of his inner history. And it is about these people that we wanted to tell in our film, an interactive video; to make it possible for them to see through their eyes, through their emotions, through their memories. those difficult days. Because now it seems to be some rather distant and somewhat unusual event in our country. I really hope that this will continue, because tanks firing from the embankment on White House- this is an absolutely scary sight. And, probably, for every Muscovite and every resident of Russia it was something absolutely incredible, "- Ilya Lazarev, Deputy Editor-in-Chief of RIA Novosti, shared his memories.
The film contains photographs of people who were subsequently found by RIA Novosti and who told about their memories of those events.
“We brought the photographs to life and tried to bring some episodes of the video into our present time ... Our colleagues, directors have been working on this format for three months - this is a very difficult story. this atmosphere, draw your own conclusions, but rather just get to know people who lived through this story and passed it through themselves, "Lazarev added.
As a result of the tragic events of October 3-4, 1993 in Moscow, the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation were liquidated. Prior to the election of the Federal Assembly and the adoption of the new Constitution, direct presidential rule was established in the Russian Federation. By the decree of October 7, 1993 "On legal regulation during the stage-by-stage constitutional reform in the Russian Federation", the President established that before the start of the work of the Federal Assembly, issues of a budgetary and financial nature, land reform, property, civil service and social employment of the population, previously decided by the Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation , are now carried out by the President of the Russian Federation. By another decree of October 7 "On the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation," the president actually abolished this body. Boris Yeltsin also issued a number of decrees terminating the activities of the representative bodies of power of the constituent entities of the Federation and local Soviets.
On December 12, 1993, the new Constitution of Russia was adopted, in which such a body of state power as the Congress of People's Deputies was no longer mentioned.
Relying on all open sources of information, we tried to find out, to within a few minutes, what was happening in the center of Moscow 20 years ago.
16:00 Moscow time. A man in camouflage uniform told reporters. That he is a fighter of the special forces "Alpha" and will enter the White House to begin negotiations on the surrender of his defenders.
15:50 Moscow time. It looks like the confrontation has come to an end. Leaflets under the title "Testament of the White House Defenders" are scattered around the White House. The message says: “Now that you are reading this letter, we are no longer alive. Our bullet-riddled bodies burn within the walls of the White House. "
“We truly loved Russia and wanted the restoration of order in the country. So that all people have equal rights and obligations, so that it is forbidden for everyone to break the law, regardless of their position. We had no plans to escape abroad. "
“Forgive us. We also forgive everyone, even the boy soldiers who were sent to shoot us. It’s not their fault. But we will never forgive this devilish gang that sat on the neck of Russia. We believe that in the end our Motherland will be freed from this burden. "
15:30 Moscow time. Troops loyal to President Yeltsin resumed shelling the White House.
15:00 Moscow time. The special forces "Alpha" and "Vympel" were ordered to storm the White House. However, the command says it will negotiate for some time, trying to convince the defenders of the building to surrender.
14:57 Moscow time. White House defenders say they have no idea what kind of snipers are on the roof.
According to the former First Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs of the RSFSR Andrei Dunaev, in front of his eyes, a police officer was shot by a sniper. “We ran to the roof, where we heard a shot, but there was no one there. Judging by the way it all happened, neither the KGB nor the Ministry of Internal Affairs were to blame. This was done by someone else, maybe even a foreign intelligence agent, ”Dunaev suggested.
14:55 Moscow time. One of the officers of the Alpha group was killed by a sniper.
“One of our soldiers, young lieutenant Gennady Sergeev, was killed. His group drove up to the White House in an infantry fighting vehicle. A wounded soldier was lying on the asphalt; he had to be evacuated. However, at that very moment, a sniper shot Sergeev in the back. But the shot was not from the White House - that's for sure. This shameful murder had only one purpose - to provoke the "Alpha" so that the soldiers broke into the building and killed everyone there, "- said the commander of the group" Alpha "Gennady Zaitsev.
14:50 GMT Unidentified snipers indiscriminately fire into the crowd around the White House. Yeltsin's supporters, policemen, and ordinary people are also targets for the shots. Two journalists and a woman were killed, two soldiers were wounded.
14:00 A short lull outside the White House. Several defenders of the building came out to surrender.
13:00: According to former people's deputy Vyacheslav Kotelnikov, there have already been many victims on different floors of the White House in Moscow.
“When I walked from one floor of a building to another, I was immediately struck by how much blood, dead and mutilated bodies were everywhere. Some of them were beheaded, others had their limbs severed. These people died when tanks began firing at the White House. However, pretty soon this picture stopped shocking me, because I had to do my job. "
12:00: The Public Opinion Foundation organized a telephone survey of Muscovites. As it turned out, 72% of respondents supported President Yeltsin, 9% were on the side of parliament. 19% of respondents refused to answer the questions.
11:40 am: Due to the uncoordinated actions of the police cordons, several teenagers managed to break into the parking lot in front of the White House. Aggressive youth tried to take possession of the weapons thrown by the wounded. This was announced by the commander of the Taman division. Several cars were also stolen.
11:30: Medical assistance was required by 192 victims. 158 of them were hospitalized, 19 subsequently died in hospitals.
11:25 am: A fierce firefight resumed in front of the building. The ceasefire was violated. At the same time, people remained in the White House.
11:06: Crowds of people gathered on the Smolenskaya embankment and on Novy Arbat, wishing to watch the assault on the Supreme Soviet. The police failed to disperse the onlookers. According to photographer Dmitry Borko, there were many teenagers and women with children in the crowd. They stood in the immediate vicinity of the building and did not seem to care about their safety at all. 11:00: Ceasefire announced so women and children can leave the White House.
10:00: White House defenders say there are many casualties in the building as a result of tank fire.
“When the tanks started shooting, I was on the 6th floor,” said one of the eyewitnesses of the events. “There were many civilians there. All unarmed. I thought that after the shelling, the soldiers would break into the building and tried to find some kind of weapon. I opened the door of the room where a shell had recently exploded, but could not enter: everything was covered in blood and strewn with fragments of bodies. "
09:45: Supporters of President Yeltsin use megaphones to persuade White House defenders to end their resistance. “Drop your weapon. Give up. Otherwise you will be destroyed. " These calls are heard over and over again.
09:20: Tanks fire at the upper floors of the White House from Kalininsky Bridge (now Novoarbatsky Bridge). Six T-80 tanks fired 12 volleys at the building.
“The first volley destroyed the conference room, the second destroyed Khasbulatov’s office, and the third destroyed my office,” said Aleksandr Rutskoi, a former vice president and one of the leaders of the White House defenders. - I was in the room when a shell flew through the window. It exploded in the right corner of the room. Fortunately, my desk was in the left corner. I ran out in complete shock. I don't know how I survived at all. "
9:15 am: The Supreme Soviet is completely cordoned off by troops loyal to President Yeltsin. They also occupied several neighboring buildings. The building is constantly being fired upon from machine guns.
09:05: President Boris Yeltsin's televised address was broadcast, in which he called the events taking place in Moscow "a planned coup" organized by communist revanchists, fascist ringleaders, some of the former deputies, representatives of the Soviets. "
“Those who are waving red flags have stained Russia with blood again. They hoped for surprise, that their arrogance and unparalleled cruelty would sow fear and confusion, ”Yeltsin said.
The President assured the Russians that “the armed fascist-communist rebellion in Moscow will be suppressed as soon as possible. For this, the Russian state has the necessary forces. "
09:00: White House defenders fired back on shots from presidential supporters. As a result of the shelling, a fire started on the 12th and 13th floors of the building.
08:00: BMPs opened targeted fire on the White House.
07:50: Shootout begins in the park adjacent to the White House.
07:45 AM: The injured White House defenders and the bodies of the deceased are moved to one of the building's lobbies.
“I saw about 50 wounded. They were lying in rows on the floor in the lobby. Most likely, the bodies of the victims were also there. The faces of those lying in the front rows were covered, ”recalled Nikolai Grigoriev, a surgeon and former Minister of Health of Chuvashia, who actually ran the impromptu medical unit of the besieged Supreme Soviet.
07:35 am: White House security personnel are called to leave the building.
07:25: Five infantry fighting vehicles destroyed the barricades erected by the defenders of the White House and took up positions in Free Russia Square - directly in front of the building.
07:00: Shootout continues outside the White House. Militia captain Alexander Ruban, who was filming everything that happened from the balcony of the hotel "Ukraine", was mortally wounded.
06:50: The first shots are heard outside the White House in central Moscow.
“We were alerted at 06:45. Still sleepy, we ran out of the building and immediately came under fire. We lay down on the ground. Bullets and shells whistled just ten meters from us, ”said Galina N., one of the defenders of the White House.
MOSCOW, October 4 - RIA Novosti. The October 1993 putsch was not accidental - it was being prepared for two years and, as a result, actually killed people's confidence in the authorities, says Sergei Filatov, president of the Foundation for Socio-Economic and Intellectual Programs, former head of the Yeltsin Presidential Administration.
Twenty years ago, on October 3-4, 1993, clashes broke out in Moscow between supporters of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR and Russian President Boris Yeltsin (1991-1999). The confrontation between the two branches of Russian power, which lasted since the collapse of the USSR - the executive, represented by Russian President Boris Yeltsin, and the legislative, represented by the parliament - the Supreme Soviet (Supreme Soviet) of the RSFSR, headed by Ruslan Khasbulatov, around the pace of reforms and methods of building a new state on October 3-4, 1993 into an armed conflict and ended with a tank shelling of the residence of the parliament - the House of Soviets (the White House).
Chronicle of the events of the political crisis in the fall of 1993 in RussiaTwenty years ago, in early October 1993, tragic events took place in Moscow that ended with the storming of the building of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation and the abolition of the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet in Russia.The tension was building
“What happened on October 3-4, 1993, was not predetermined by one day. that it was a purposeful struggle on the part of the Supreme Council against the reforms carried out by the government, "Filatov said at a multimedia round table on the topic:" October 1993 putsch. Twenty years later ... "held at RIA Novosti on Friday.
According to him, the two top officials of the state - Boris Yeltsin and the head of the Supreme Soviet (Supreme Soviet) of the RSFSR Ruslan Khasbulatov - failed to enter the "normal path of relations." Moreover, "absolute and deep mistrust" arose between the two top officials, he added.
Political scientist Leonid Polyakov agreed with this opinion.
"In fact, the 1993 putsch is a postponed GKChP of 1991. In 1991 these people, seeing hundreds of thousands of Muscovites who surrounded the White House, the leaders of the GKChP simply, as they say, were afraid. At first they frightened themselves by bringing tanks to the capital. , and then they themselves were afraid of what they had done. But the forces that stood behind it, and the people who sincerely believed in what turned out to be destroyed in August 1991, they did not disappear. And two years followed, the most difficult, the hardest in our history, which fell on the collapse of the USSR and the disappearance of the state ... By October 1993, this explosive potential has accumulated, "- said Polyakov.
conclusions
Conclusions from the events of 1993, according to Filatov, can be made both positive and negative.
“The fact that we have eliminated the dual power is positive, the fact that we have adopted the Constitution is positive. And the fact that we actually killed people's trust in the authorities and this continued for all the other 20 years is an obvious fact that we have restored to this day. we can’t, ”he said.
In turn, the political scientist Polyakov expressed the hope that the events of 1993 were "the last Russian revolution."
Film about the events of 1993
During the round table, a film about the events of October 1993, filmed by RIA Novosti specialists in a web documentary format, was presented, which received world recognition due to the fact that the viewer has the ability to interact with the content and has more freedom of action than the viewer of a plot with a linear form of narration. where the course of the story is predetermined by the director. This is the third RIA Novosti film in 2013 in an interactive format.
"For each of the participants in these events, it was a part of his life, a part of his inner history. And it was about these people that we wanted to tell in our film, an interactive video; to make it possible for them to see through their eyes, through their emotions, through their memories. those difficult days. Because now it seems to be some rather distant and somewhat unusual event in our country. I really hope that this will continue, because tanks firing from the embankment at the White House is an absolutely scary sight. for every Muscovite and every resident of Russia it was something absolutely incredible ", - Ilya Lazarev, Deputy Editor-in-Chief of RIA Novosti, shared his memories.
The film contains photographs of people who were subsequently found by RIA Novosti and who told about their memories of those events.
“We brought the photographs to life and tried to bring some episodes of the video into our present time ... Our colleagues, directors have been working on this format for three months - this is a very difficult story. this atmosphere, draw your own conclusions, but rather just get to know people who lived through this story and passed it through themselves, "Lazarev added.
As a result of the tragic events of October 3-4, 1993 in Moscow, the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation were liquidated. Prior to the election of the Federal Assembly and the adoption of the new Constitution, direct presidential rule was established in the Russian Federation. By the decree of October 7, 1993 "On legal regulation during the stage-by-stage constitutional reform in the Russian Federation", the President established that before the start of the work of the Federal Assembly, issues of a budgetary and financial nature, land reform, property, civil service and social employment of the population, previously decided by the Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation , are now carried out by the President of the Russian Federation. By another decree of October 7 "On the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation," the president actually abolished this body. Boris Yeltsin also issued a number of decrees terminating the activities of the representative bodies of power of the constituent entities of the Federation and local Soviets.
On December 12, 1993, the new Constitution of Russia was adopted, in which such a body of state power as the Congress of People's Deputies was no longer mentioned.
Ilya Konstantinov, in 1993 - people's deputy, member of the Supreme Soviet, leader of the National Salvation Front
The constitution adopted after the execution of the Supreme Soviet is an authoritarian constitution, I would say, a monarchical one. In it, the role of not only the legislative, but also the judicial authorities was sharply reduced, and the entire vertical of power was placed under the control of the president, under the control of the executive power.
I would say more: Decree No. 1400 and the events that followed it, the bloody shooting of parliament, not only put an end to the further development of parliamentarism in Russia for decades, but, among other things, devalued the idea of a rule-of-law state. Most Russians today regard the constitution as a document that has no direct effect. As a document that each new administration interprets in its own way. As a document, which is actually a fig leaf of an authoritarian regime. Moreover, most of our compatriots believe that it cannot be otherwise in our country. These, in my opinion, are the most terrible consequences of the events of September-October 1993: the loss of people's faith in the law, the loss of people's faith in the rule of law, the loss of faith that we can build a society where the rule of law will be.
Meanwhile, the Supreme Soviet and its supporters had a chance to win. To do this, it was necessary in a short time to formulate and propose to society a coherent and popular political strategy, a strategy for the country's development, an alternative to the one proposed by Yeltsin's team. And the Supreme Soviet and its leadership took a predominantly defensive position and thereby reduced the chances of victory virtually to zero.
Alexander Kulikov, deputy of the State Duma, member of the parliamentary commission to investigate the events of September-October 1993
The fact that the current regime was born out of the diapers prepared by Yeltsin is obvious to me. Everything that is vicious in the system of power today goes back to 1992-1993, when Yeltsin attempted three times to disperse the highest bodies of power: the Supreme Soviet and the Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR. He attempted to violate the constitution and establish a regime of personal absolute power.
It was November-December 1992, March 1993, after all, it was October 1993, when he managed to do it by force, at the cost of the deaths of hundreds and hundreds of citizens of the Russian Federation, killed at the hands of Yeltsin's thugs.
Moreover, Russia has not yet got out of this swamp of lawlessness, arbitrariness and violence of the authorities: neither state institutions, nor the federal government in general, nor the law enforcement system, nor the judicial system.
We must admit: a sharp narrowing political rights citizens, a sharp narrowing of the possibilities of public structures to conduct a dialogue with the authorities and control the authorities, a sharp narrowing of the parliament's ability to control the implementation of laws adopted by them - this is what we have today. Absolutely uncontrolled presidential and executive powers, beyond the control of society.
In 1992-1993, Yeltsin was hampered by the parliament of the Russian Federation, which, good or bad, according to the constitution, fulfilled the will of the people and carried out its duties to control the executive power of Russia.
We must clearly separate the parliament of the RSFSR of 1990-1992, when it created conditions for the collapse of the Soviet Union, adopted the "Declaration of Sovereignty", approved Belovezhie, and so on. When he created the conditions for an economic bacchanalia under the pretext of privatization. When he gave President Yeltsin special powers - the power to issue normative documents, in particular, decrees, which, in terms of legal force, were equated to the law. And this parliament in December 1992 tried to correct its mistake. Most of the deputies understood what the absolutization of power, artificially created by the parliament itself, leads to. But they already did not succeed, just as it did not work out in March 1993. And when in September 1993 the parliament dismissed Yeltsin from office, on the basis of the decision of the Constitutional Court and the Constitution, he was quickly dispersed, destroying - according to unofficial data, more than three thousand killed and wounded - those who defended the constitution.
It seems that the alignment of the military forces, with the participation of law enforcement agencies, was such that Yeltsin had great potential to suppress resistance. And in political terms, the victory of the opposition was quite likely: more than 63 subjects of the Federation supported the Supreme Soviet and opposed the unconstitutional decree No. 1400. In this case, the possibility of the Supreme Soviet, if everything moved peacefully, to win, was more than obvious. I am convinced that Yeltsin's analysts, including Western well-wishers, analyzed all this and gave the go-ahead to Yeltsin to violently disperse it.
The executive branch was preparing for the use of force quite openly, and information about this was simply in the air. I was then the chairman of the Council of People's Deputies of the city of Volzhsky, Volgograd Region. On the eve of September 21, there was a meeting in Moscow, where Khasbulatov gathered the chairmen of the Soviets of all levels. And here, at this meeting, although it was not said publicly that Yeltsin was ready for such violent actions, it was said that Yeltsin had an extremely negative attitude towards parliament.
The media, which were controlled by the Chernomyrdin government, also negatively reflected the role of parliament and people's deputies, and, in general, the Soviets at all levels. It was said that Yeltsin went to the Kantemirovskaya and Tamanskaya divisions, but not to get acquainted with the personnel, but in order to test the power capabilities of these divisions. The air smelled of thunder, although not a single word was spoken about the military confrontation during the meeting of the Soviets. It was about economic problems, about the failed privatization, which was carried out by Chubais on the basis of a presidential decree, about the need to apply economic reform, which was prepared by scientists from the Russian Academy of Sciences. It was said that Gaidar's shock therapy was a monstrous experiment that must be stopped once and for all.
Now, looking at the events of twenty years ago, it is obvious that Yeltsin had already made up his mind and was preparing a forceful seizure of power. It was his side that unleashed the military-political conflict with the support of Western political circles - this is also obvious.
Speaking in parliament with a proposal to create an inter-factional commission to investigate those events, I noted that the actual number of those killed, wounded and missing in the autumn days of 1993 clearly does not fit with official data.
It should be noted separately regulations signed as a sign of reconciliation. One of them is the act of amnesty, in which, in fact, the guilty are diverted from responsibility, and the innocent are amnestied. The innocent are those who did not want to obey Yeltsin's unconstitutional decree.
In this sense, it is necessary to revise the political and legal assessments of that time. It is very important to restore in the memory of the present generation the events of that time, to preserve the memory of those people who remained in the position of the constitution and the law, who laid down their lives for this on October 3-4, 1993 in Moscow. Those people who were forgotten. Their families need not only the restoration of their good name, but also a specific system of social support measures. Provide support to both the families of the victims and those of the White House defenders who are alive and well. It is necessary to perpetuate the feat that they performed.
Lev Ponomarev, executive director of the organization "For Human Rights", in 1993 - people's deputy
When they say that Decree No. 1400 is unconstitutional, this is not entirely true. I was a member of the Supreme Soviet, a participant in the Congress of People's Deputies. And I know for sure that the source of the conflict was precisely the Supreme Soviet, the Congress of People's Deputies and the Constitutional Court, headed by Zorkin. Because a collision arose there: the old constitution de facto ceased to be in effect, because the president of the Russian Federation, the head of state, was elected, but nevertheless the congress did not approve the amendments that were supposed to approve the new order. The people legitimized this position, elected a president, and the Congress of People's Deputies headed by the intriguer Khasbulatov (and he really began to intrigue: why shouldn't I lead Russia?) Refused to accept the amendment to the law, which the Supreme Soviet had already passed. In fact, only one amendment had to be adopted at the Congress of People's Deputies. Remove the phrase in which it was written that all issues of the Russian Federation are accountable to the Congress of People's Deputies of Russia. It was necessary to separate the functions of the executive and representative authorities. But he did not do this, he bribed the Congress of People's Deputies. I was the initiator for the Constitutional Court to resolve this conflict. I went to Zorkin, but he was happy to try to get involved in the populist campaign against Yeltsin.
It was really populist because there were difficult economic reforms, and popular support against them could be easily obtained. Yes, the 1993 referendum supported Yeltsin. Then they voted on confidence in Yeltsin and the Congress of People's Deputies. But Yeltsin exaggerated the results of this referendum - its certain weakness is known - and instead of preparing the country for the dissolution of the Congress of People's Deputies, which could have been made bloodless using the information resource and everything else ... The conflict between the Congress of People's Deputies and Yeltsin, and it is wrong to say, that Yeltsin violated the Constitution - could have been decided on the basis of a referendum, and he could have done it. But he didn't. He walked, "had a rest" and so on - then I went to him, pulled him out of his next vacation.
And now the summer of 1993 was lost. And so, when he realized that the Congress was now, and there would be impeachment, he hastily began to do something. By that time, everyone began to betray him. ... I called on the population of Moscow, Muscovites, to go out into the streets, confront the rebels, I did this, I was at the Moscow City Council, I called on people to go to the Moscow City Council.
These events are undeniably tragic. After 1993, my party, Democratic Russia, lost influence on Yeltsin, he was surrounded by sixes, and it really was a tragic turn. But that evening, October 3, 1993, undoubtedly, it was necessary to repulse the rebels. Because they were armed, they were the first to use force, in the building of this booklet of the CMEA, the mayor's office. They burst in, used force, beat them, they were the first to shoot.
There were provocations, no doubt. It is difficult to understand provocations. Completely innocent victims were killed, about one hundred and thirty people were killed young people who believed that they were going to defend the parliament, and there was an armed Barkashov. If the rebels had won then, the country would have been led by such wonderful people as Rutskoi, who declared himself president like Khasbulatov. And so the question arises ... Maybe Yeltsin was taken into custody, maybe they would have been arrested, shot, I don't know ... The country is headed by Rutskoy and Khasbulatov. I am absolutely sure that some of the military districts would not submit to this. And then the country would split. Nuclear country. When part of the military districts would not submit to Khasbulatov as the new head of state, it is easy to imagine what would have happened. There would be clashes between armed masses, citizens, on the streets of Moscow, because a certain arsenal was at our disposal, and we were on the verge of starting to distribute weapons to citizens. They demanded that we hand out weapons as we stood next to the Moscow City Council.
Yeltsin was practically alone. Everyone betrayed him, except for the people, maybe activists, party leaders. And many security officials betrayed him, believing that he had lost his position. Some generals went to surrender to Rutskoi. Although the military district in the Far East would not obey, not even Rutskoi, but Khasbulatov.
Material prepared by: Vladimir Titov, Roman Popkov, Maria Ponomareva
The confrontation between the two branches of Russian power, which lasted since the collapse of the USSR - the executive, represented by Russian President Boris Yeltsin, and the legislative, in the form of parliament (the Supreme Council (Supreme Council) of the RSFSR), headed by Ruslan Khasbulatov, around the pace of reforms and methods of building a new state, October 3-4, 1993 years and ended with a tank shelling of the residence of parliament - the House of Soviets (White House).
According to the conclusion of the State Duma Commission for additional study and analysis of the events that took place in Moscow on September 21 - October 5, 1993, the initial cause and grave consequences of them was the preparation and publication by Boris Yeltsin of the Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of September 21, No. 1400 "On gradual constitutional reform in Of the Russian Federation ", announced in his television address to the citizens of Russia on September 21, 1993 at 20.00. The Decree, in particular, ordered to interrupt the implementation of legislative, administrative and control functions by the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation, not to convene the Congress of People's Deputies, and also to terminate the powers of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation.
30 minutes after Yeltsin's televised announcement, Ruslan Khasbulatov, Chairman of the Supreme Soviet (Supreme Soviet), spoke on television. He qualified Yeltsin's actions as a coup d'etat.
On the same day at 22.00 at an emergency meeting of the Presidium of the Armed Forces, a resolution was adopted "On the immediate termination of the powers of the President of the Russian Federation BN Yeltsin."
At the same time, an emergency session of the Constitutional Court (CC), chaired by Valery Zorkin, began. The court ruled that this decree violates the Constitution and is the basis for the removal of President Yeltsin from office. After the conclusion of the Constitutional Court was delivered to the Supreme Council, the latter, continuing its meeting, adopted a resolution on entrusting the execution of presidential powers to Vice President Alexander Rutskoi. The country entered an acute political crisis.
On September 23, at 22.00, an extraordinary (extraordinary) X Congress of People's Deputies opened in the building of the Armed Forces. By order of the government, telephones and electricity were cut off in the building. The participants in the congress voted to terminate Yeltsin's powers and appointed Vice President Alexander Rutskoy to act as president. The congress appointed the main "power ministers" - Viktor Barannikov, Vladislav Achalov and Andrey Dunaev.
To protect the Armed Forces building, additional security units were formed from among the volunteers, whose members, by special permission, were issued with firearms belonging to the Armed Forces Security Department.
On September 27, the building of the Supreme Soviet was surrounded by a continuous cordon of police officers and servicemen of the internal troops, and a barbed wire fence was installed around the building. The passage of people, vehicles (including ambulances), food and medicine inside the cordon zone was virtually stopped.
On September 29, President Yeltsin and Prime Minister Chernomyrdin demanded that Khasbulatov and Rutskoi withdraw people from the White House and surrender their weapons by October 4.
On October 1, in the Holy Danilov Monastery, with the mediation of Patriarch Alexy II, negotiations began between representatives of the governments of Russia and Moscow and the Supreme Soviet. Electricity was turned on in the building of the Supreme Soviet, and water began to flow.
At night, a protocol was signed at the mayor's office on the stage-by-stage "removal of the severity of the confrontation", which was the result of negotiations.
On October 2, at 13.00, a rally of supporters of the Armed Forces began on Smolenskaya Square in Moscow. The demonstrators clashed with the police and riot police. During the riots, the Garden Ring near the Foreign Ministry building was blocked for several hours.
On October 3, the conflict took on an avalanche-like character. The opposition rally, which began at 14:00 on October Square, gathered tens of thousands of people. Having broken through the screens of the riot police, the protesters moved to the White House and unblocked it.
At about 16.00 Alexander Rutskoi from the balcony took the prize shaft by storm to storm the mayor's office and "Ostankino".
By 5 pm, the demonstrators stormed several floors of the mayor's office. When the cordon was broken in the area of the Moscow City Hall, police officers used firearms to kill the demonstrators.
At about 19.00, the assault on the Ostankino television center began. At 19.40, all TV channels interrupted their programs. After a short break, the second channel went on the air, working from the reserve studio. The demonstrators' attempt to take over the television center was unsuccessful.
At 22.00, Boris Yeltsin's decree on the introduction of a state of emergency in Moscow and on the release of Rutskoi from the duties of vice-president of the Russian Federation was broadcast on television. The introduction of troops into Moscow began.
On October 4, at 7.30 am, an operation to clean up the White House began. Shooting is underway from large-caliber weapons. At about 10:00, the tanks began shelling the Armed Forces building, causing a fire there.
At about 13.00, defenders of the Armed Forces began to leave, and the wounded were carried out of the parliament building.
At about 6 pm, the defenders of the White House announced the end of resistance. Alexander Rutskoy, Ruslan Khasbulatov and other leaders of the armed resistance of the Supreme Soviet supporters were arrested.
At 19.30, the Alpha group guarded and evacuated 1,700 journalists, employees of the Armed Forces apparatus, residents of the city and deputies from the building.
According to the conclusions of the State Duma Commission, according to an approximate estimate in the events of September 21 - October 5, 1993, about 200 people were killed or died from their wounds, and at least 1,000 people received wounds or other bodily injuries of varying severity.
The material was prepared based on information from open sources