Andrey Bessmertnykh
A maze of corruption stretches from Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia (including Abkhazia and South Ossetia) to the Administration of President Dmitry Medvedev. The supreme distributor of corruption flows is Vladislav Gasumyanov, Deputy Head of the Presidential Directorate for Interregional and Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries, headed by Sergei Vinokurov, confidant of the head of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation Naryshkin Sergei Evgenievich.
Gasumyanov Vladislav Ivanovich was born on November 23, 1959 into an Armenian family in Baku. In 1983 he graduated from the Institute of Civil Aviation Engineers in Kiev. During his studies, he collaborated with the KGB of Ukraine. In 1985 he graduated from the higher courses of the KGB of the USSR. At the turn of the 1980s-90s, he works in Azerbaijan and Armenia. During that period, close commercial ties were established between the young "special officer" and the criminal guild circles of Caucasian businessmen. These connections were useful to Gasumyanov in later life. In 1993, he emerges surrounded by Robert Kocharian in Nagorno-Karabakh. The main occupation of the reserve KGB officer (he is listed in the current reserve of the NSA / FSK / FSB) then was the organization of smuggling operations for the illegal traffic of alcohol and cigarettes in the interests of both Armenian and Azerbaijani criminal circles. Some observers do not exclude his involvement in organizing drug trafficking routes through the security zone. By the early 2000s, Gasumyanov had collected a sufficient amount of money and acquired influential patrons in the international criminal business circles in order to return to the FSB of the Russian Federation. Through the efforts of Georgian and Armenian "businessmen" Vladislav Gasumyanov has been the deputy head of the FSB department for the city of Sochi since 2002. In the same year, he hastily graduated from the North-West Academy of Civil Service. However, the Sochi regional feeding trough for Gasumyanov's “friends” (in fact, owners) was not enough: they needed a federal level, where there were and still are other prospects and other budgets.
In February 2003, Vladislav Gasumyanov was appointed deputy general director of Rosrezerv, after 2 years he was reappointed to the same position for a new term. Then he unfolded in full: kickbacks, "left" contracts with Armenian, Georgian and Azerbaijani businessmen became the main source of income for the "Chekist". He received the status of a colonel of the FSB of the Russian Federation, seconded to the civilian civil service. In connection with the death of the head of Rosrezerv Grigoriev in December 2008, Vladislav Gasumyanov was even the interim head of Rosrezerv from January to March 2009. But in February 2009, Vladislav Gasumyanov makes a strategic mistake: wanting to become not just an interim, but the official head of Rosrezerv, he goes to Prime Minister Putin with a note revealing some of the corruption mechanisms of Rosrezerv with the accusation of the late leader Alexandra Grigorieva... Vladimir Putin did not appreciate Armenian creativity, since Grigoriev had been his personal appointee and acquaintance from the Leningrad KGB since the 1970s. In response, Putin initiated an official investigation into Gasumyanov himself. And in March 2009, after the appointment of a new head of Rosrezerv, Gasumyan was dismissed altogether. True, it did not come to a criminal case: one can only guess how many millions of dollars or euros it cost to resolve such a "issue". But assumptions are assumptions, and the fact remains: Vladislav Gasumyanov not only remained at large, but also was appointed to a new "responsible post".
In May 2009, Gasumyanov took over as the mastermind of the Kremlin's department for interregional and cultural relations with foreign countries, which is headed by Sergei Vinokurov, a confidant of the head of the Presidential Administration Naryshkin. Gasumyanov's responsibilities today include overseeing the Caucasian direction: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, NKR. In the new place, Gasumyanov developed a vigorous activity. Old business connections came in handy. Having taken on a new position, Gasumyanov sold a house in the Moscow region, as indicated in his income statement, for only 50 million rubles. Knowledgeable people argue that the price of the palace on Rublevka is at least 2 times lower. Despite family and criminal ties in the Caucasian countries (which they cannot but know about in special organizations), Gasumyanov was appointed to supervise the Caucasian direction in the Kremlin.
In this post, Gasumyanov took control of all flows associated with the AP projects in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. He actively lobbies for Azerbaijani and Armenian issues. In 2010, Georgian financial tycoons raised 50 million euros on instructions from the Georgian special services for Gasumyanov to block Russia's possible interference in the Georgian elections. This information did not pass by the operational services, but Gasumyanov had new high patrons. In the same year, Gasumyanov pushed his former business partner as a contractor for the reconstruction of the Sukhum airport. True, he did not succeed. In Abkhazia, Gasumyanov has been well known for a long time. The late President of Abkhazia Sergei Bagapsh reported the zealous administrator personally to Vladimir Putin. He, in turn, put the unbelted "Chekist" in his place. In Sukhum, they say that it was this episode that caused the sudden death of the second President of Abkhazia. Gasumyanov also plays an active role in cutting budget funds allocated for the restoration of South Ossetia. In 2010, it was he who became the “roof” for a group of Russian officials who organized the “resorption” of 50 billion rubles allocated for the restoration of South Ossetia through a semi-criminal scheme, according to which less than 30% of the allocated funds fell into the republic. The rest disappeared along the way. A businessman from Ozersk was sent to South Ossetia under this scheme. Vadim Brovtsev as Prime Minister of the Republic of South Ossetia. Vladislav Gasumyanov represented and pushed him. The curator succeeded in deception, blackmail and bribery - the favorite mechanisms for conducting "political" business.
Almost the only obstacle in this was the President of the Republic of South Ossetia Eduard Kokoity... Not wishing to conflict with the Russian authorized structures and feeling a sense of deep gratitude to Russia, shared by all the people of South Ossetia, Eduard Dzhabeevich tried to resist the implementation of the thieves' scheme. At the end of 2010, he nevertheless achieved the abolition of the Southern Directorate and direct financing for the Republic of South Ossetia since 2011. Of course, this was not part of the plans of Gasumyanov and those unscrupulous Russian officials who "assimilated" the Russian budgetary aid to the South Ossetian republic.
Knowing that Kokoity would run for a third term, Gasumyanov directed all his efforts towards Operation Successor in the November 13, 2011 presidential elections in the Republic of South Ossetia. For 6 months Gasumyanov was looking for an obedient successor to the post of President of the Republic of South Ossetia. After enumerating several candidates inclined to collaborationism, the choice fell on the Minister of Emergency Situations of the Republic of South Ossetia Anatoly Bibilov. How Gasumyanov managed to convince his formal leadership of the acceptability of such a candidate remains a mystery. As the Russian media wrote, an unprecedented interagency casting was held. And so the head of the administration of Dmitry Medvedev is personally going to visit Tskhinval to introduce Anatoly Bibilov in a new capacity. As if the presidents of South Ossetia are appointed in Moscow. Of course, in South Ossetia, such a gross interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign state is perceived as a concrete insult. It got to the point that Gasumyanov personally calls all RSO officials by mobile phone - from the head of the RSO Presidential Administration to party functionaries - with threats, blackmail, etc.
"If the congress of the Unity party does not nominate Bibilov for the presidency on September 18, you will have problems." Threats from breaking a personal career to "freezing funding for the RSO recovery program." It even got to the point that Gasumyanov threatened a number of senior officials of South Ossetia that “if they are nominated or not nominated Bibilov, they will never receive Russian awards”, which were awarded by Russian President Dmitry Medvedev by his decree No. 1139 dated 09/01/2011. Who could have given such powers to Gasumyanov to cancel the execution of the decree of the President of Russia? An oversized official takes on too much.
Gasumyanov personally told one of the high-ranking people in the Republic of South Ossetia by open telephone that “Operation Sportsman is being conducted against you. If the wrong one comes forward, then we will lower the reins and it will not seem enough to you. "Jabo" (Dzhambulat Tedeev, coach of the Russian national freestyle wrestling team) will tear you all apart. " It is important to note that Dzhambulat Tedeev also suddenly wanted to take part in the elections in the Republic of South Ossetia. If he is not registered as a candidate (and the Constitution of the Republic of South Ossetia presupposes a 10-year residency qualification, which Tedeev does not have), then he will "start a civil war." Behind Dzhambulat Tedeev is Mikhail Mamiashvili, Chairman of the National Federation of Freestyle Wrestling and known in narrow circles of Russia and Georgia as the leader of the international organized crime group. Mamiashvili has serious ties with the Georgian special services. An interesting line is being built. And if we take into account the fact that at the beginning of 2011, within the framework of interagency cooperation, Gasumyanov's connections with the Armenian special services were identified and documented, then a terrible assumption of treason arises. How can a person like Gasumyanov be in such a post?
Who patronizes such anti-state activities and why? In conversations with his charges, Gasumyanov likes to emphasize that he is "an FSB general, and not just a clerk." Often he trumps with high surnames with or without reason. Being drunk is not able to restrain sexual instincts. As noted knowledgeable people, even on trips to the "sponsored territories" repeatedly demanded for himself "a girl or two for relaxation." I wonder what Elena Vyacheslavovna, the wife of Vladislav Ivanovich Gasumyanov, thinks about this?
In the Republic of South Ossetia, there is a non-public collection of signatures under an appeal to Vladimir Putin with a request to rid the South Ossetian people of such “curators”. In the near future this petition will be delivered to Moscow, to the Kremlin.
A maze of corruption stretches from Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia (including Abkhazia and South Ossetia) to the Administration of President Dmitry Medvedev. The supreme distributor of corruption flows is Vladislav Gasumyanov, Deputy Head of the Presidential Directorate for Interregional and Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries, headed by Sergei Vinokurov, confidant of the head of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation, Sergei Evgenievich Naryshkin.
Gasumyanov Vladislav Ivanovich was born on November 23, 1959 into an Armenian family in Baku. In 1983 he graduated from the Institute of Civil Aviation Engineers in Kiev. During his studies, he collaborated with the KGB of Ukraine. In 1985 he graduated from the higher courses of the KGB of the USSR. At the turn of the 1980s-90s, he works in Azerbaijan and Armenia. During that period, close commercial ties were established between the young "special officer" and the criminal guild circles of Caucasian businessmen. These connections were useful to Gasumyanov in later life. In 1993, he emerges surrounded by Robert Kocharian in Nagorno-Karabakh. The main occupation of the reserve KGB officer (he is listed in the current reserve of the NSA / FSK / FSB) then was the organization of smuggling operations for the illegal traffic of alcohol and cigarettes in the interests of both Armenian and Azerbaijani criminal circles. Some observers do not exclude his involvement in organizing drug trafficking routes through the security zone. By the early 2000s, Gasumyanov had collected a sufficient amount of money and acquired influential patrons in the international criminal business circles in order to return to the FSB of the Russian Federation. Through the efforts of Georgian and Armenian "businessmen" Vladislav Gasumyanov has been the deputy head of the FSB department for the city of Sochi since 2002. In the same year, he hastily graduated from the North-West Academy of Civil Service. However, the Sochi regional feeding trough for Gasumyanov's “friends” (in fact, owners) was not enough: they needed a federal level, where there were and still are other prospects and other budgets.
In February 2003, Vladislav Gasumyanov was appointed deputy general director of Rosrezerv, after 2 years he was reappointed to the same position for a new term. Then he unfolded in full: kickbacks, "left" contracts with Armenian, Georgian and Azerbaijani businessmen became the main source of income for the "Chekist". He received the status of a colonel of the FSB of the Russian Federation, seconded to the civilian civil service. In connection with the death of the head of Rosrezerv Grigoriev in December 2008, Vladislav Gasumyanov was even the interim head of Rosrezerv from January to March 2009. But in February 2009, Vladislav Gasumyanov makes a strategic mistake: wanting to become not just an interim, but the official head of Rosrezerv, he goes to Prime Minister Putin with a note revealing some of the corruption mechanisms of Rosrezerv with the accusation of the late leader Alexander Grigoriev. Vladimir Putin did not appreciate Armenian creativity, since Grigoriev had been his personal appointee and acquaintance from the Leningrad KGB since the 1970s. In response, Putin initiated an official investigation into Gasumyanov himself. And in March 2009, after the appointment of a new head of Rosrezerv, Gasumyan was dismissed altogether. True, it did not come to a criminal case: one can only guess how many millions of dollars or euros it cost to resolve such a "issue". But assumptions are assumptions, and the fact remains: Vladislav Gasumyanov not only remained at large, but also was appointed to a new "responsible post".
In May 2009, Gasumyanov took over as the mastermind of the Kremlin's department for interregional and cultural relations with foreign countries, which is headed by Sergei Vinokurov, a confidant of the head of the Presidential Administration Naryshkin. Gasumyanov's responsibilities today include overseeing the Caucasian direction: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, NKR. In the new place, Gasumyanov developed a vigorous activity. Old business connections came in handy. Having taken on a new position, Gasumyanov sold a house in the Moscow region, as indicated in his income statement, for only 50 million rubles. Knowledgeable people argue that the price of the palace on Rublevka is at least 2 times lower. Despite family and criminal ties in the Caucasian countries (which they cannot but know about in special organizations), Gasumyanov was appointed to supervise the Caucasian direction in the Kremlin.
In this post, Gasumyanov took control of all flows associated with the AP projects in South Ossetia and Abkhazia. He actively lobbies for Azerbaijani and Armenian issues. In 2010, Georgian financial tycoons raised 50 million euros on instructions from the Georgian special services for Gasumyanov to block Russia's possible interference in the Georgian elections. This information did not pass by the operational services, but Gasumyanov had new high patrons. In the same year, Gasumyanov pushed his former business partner as a contractor for the reconstruction of the Sukhum airport. True, he did not succeed. In Abkhazia, Gasumyanov has been well known for a long time. The late President of Abkhazia Sergei Bagapsh reported the zealous administrator personally to Vladimir Putin. He, in turn, put the unbelted "Chekist" in his place. In Sukhum, they say that it was this episode that caused the sudden death of the second President of Abkhazia. Gasumyanov also plays an active role in cutting budget funds allocated for the restoration of South Ossetia. In 2010, it was he who became the “roof” for a group of Russian officials who organized the “resorption” of 50 billion rubles allocated for the restoration of South Ossetia through a semi-criminal scheme, according to which less than 30% of the allocated funds fell into the republic. The rest disappeared along the way. Under this scheme, a businessman from Ozersk, Vadim Brovtsev, was sent to the RSO as Prime Minister of the RSO. Vladislav Gasumyanov represented and pushed him. The curator succeeded in deception, blackmail and bribery - the favorite mechanisms for conducting "political" business.
Almost the only obstacle in this was the President of the Republic of South Ossetia, Eduard Kokoity. Not wishing to conflict with the Russian authorized structures and feeling a sense of deep gratitude to Russia, shared by all the people of South Ossetia, Eduard Dzhabeevich tried to resist the implementation of the thieves' scheme. At the end of 2010, he nevertheless achieved the abolition of the Southern Directorate and direct financing for the Republic of South Ossetia since 2011. Of course, this was not part of the plans of Gasumyanov and those unscrupulous Russian officials who "assimilated" the Russian budgetary aid to the South Ossetian republic.
Knowing that Kokoity would run for a third term, Gasumyanov directed all his efforts towards Operation Successor in the November 13, 2011 presidential elections in the Republic of South Ossetia. For 6 months Gasumyanov was looking for an obedient successor to the post of President of the Republic of South Ossetia. After enumerating several candidates inclined to collaborationism, the choice fell on the Minister of Emergency Situations of the Republic of South Ossetia Anatoly Bibilov. How Gasumyanov managed to convince his formal leadership of the acceptability of such a candidate remains a mystery. As the Russian media wrote, an unprecedented interagency casting was held. And so the head of the administration of Dmitry Medvedev is personally going to visit Tskhinval to introduce Anatoly Bibilov in a new capacity. As if the presidents of South Ossetia are appointed in Moscow. Of course, in South Ossetia, such a gross interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign state is perceived as a concrete insult. It got to the point that Gasumyanov personally calls all RSO officials by mobile phone - from the head of the RSO Presidential Administration to party functionaries - with threats, blackmail, etc.
"If the congress of the Unity party does not nominate Bibilov for the presidency on September 18, you will have problems." Threats from breaking a personal career to "freezing funding for the RSO recovery program." It even got to the point that Gasumyanov threatened a number of senior officials of South Ossetia that “if they are nominated or not nominated Bibilov, they will never receive Russian awards”, which were awarded by Russian President Dmitry Medvedev by his decree No. 1139 dated 09/01/2011. Who could have given such powers to Gasumyanov to cancel the execution of the decree of the President of Russia? An oversized official takes on too much.
Gasumyanov personally told one of the high-ranking people in the Republic of South Ossetia by open telephone that “Operation Sportsman is being conducted against you. If the wrong one comes forward, then we will lower the reins and it will not seem enough to you. "Jabo" (Dzhambulat Tedeev, coach of the Russian national freestyle wrestling team) will tear you all apart. " It is important to note that Dzhambulat Tedeev also suddenly wanted to take part in the elections in the Republic of South Ossetia. If he is not registered as a candidate (and the Constitution of the Republic of South Ossetia presupposes a 10-year residency qualification, which Tedeev does not have), then he will "start a civil war." Behind Dzhambulat Tedeev is Mikhail Mamiashvili, chairman of the National Freestyle Wrestling Federation and known in narrow circles of Russia and Georgia as the leader of an international organized criminal group. Mamiashvili has serious ties with the Georgian special services. An interesting line is being built. And if we take into account the fact that at the beginning of 2011, within the framework of interagency cooperation, Gasumyanov's connections with the Armenian special services were identified and documented, then a terrible assumption of treason arises. How can a person like Gasumyanov be in such a post?
Who patronizes such anti-state activities and why? In conversations with his charges, Gasumyanov likes to emphasize that he is "an FSB general, and not just a clerk." Often he trumps with high surnames with or without reason. Being drunk is not able to restrain sexual instincts. As noted by knowledgeable people, even on trips to the "sponsored territories" he repeatedly demanded for himself "a girl or two for relaxation." I wonder what Elena Vyacheslavovna, the wife of Vladislav Ivanovich Gasumyanov, thinks about this?
In the Republic of South Ossetia, there is a non-public collection of signatures under an appeal to Vladimir Putin with a request to rid the South Ossetian people of such “curators”. In the near future this petition will be delivered to Moscow, to the Kremlin.
SUKHUMI --- If not for one circumstance, then the news of the dismissals of the head of the department for interregional and cultural relations with foreign countries of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation Sergei Vinokurov and his deputy Vladislav Gasumyanov would certainly not have caused a great resonance in the Abkhaz society. In the end, these names are not heard by the general public in the republic, they are well known only to a rather narrow circle of Abkhaz state officials ... But the fact is that Gasumyanov just headed the Russian delegation at the April 26-27, which took place in Sukhum, that is, a week ago , The First Russian Humanitarian Forum "Abkhazia and Russia: Towards the Development of Public Dialogue".
For several days, reports from this forum almost ousted all other topics from the programs of both republican Abkhaz TV channels. Gasumyanov was the main conductor of the whole action, constantly appearing on television screens. True, on the sidelines, they complained that the head of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation, Sergei Ivanov (the one who had been casting for a long time for the role that Dmitry Medvedev eventually performed in 2008-2012), who was declared as its participants, did not attend the forum, the head of the Krasnodar Administration regions and the special representative of the President of the Russian Federation for Abkhazia Alexander Tkachev, and the same Sergey Vinokurov ... Many other declared guests did not come, in particular Moscow journalists, to participate in one of the four discussion platforms.
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In a separate windowAnd suddenly it turned out that the forum was the "swan song" of Vladislav Ivanovich Gasumyanov. Or, as someone else says, his "last tour" as deputy head of this department. Moreover, the question of changing both heads of the department was by that time already a matter of fact resolved. Therefore, they say, Vinokurov did not come.
The Abkhazian weekly Novy Den allocated space in its latest issue for two reprints from Russian Internet publications. In one of them - "Resignation of Curators" - RIA "New Region" reports that both high-ranking officials lost their posts "for failures in the post-Soviet space" and that "the Vinokurov-Gasumyanov group" distinguished itself "especially strongly in South Ossetia in the fall and winter of the past years during the election campaign of the President of the Republic ”. But the unnamed author of another publication - in the OBS news agency - focused all attention on Gasumyanov. Moreover, to say that this text is written bitingly means to say nothing. Political analyst Andrei Epifantsev, and this was, as I later clarified, it was he who, as they say, “buried” the retiree. In South Ossetia, in his opinion, he "screwed up the most I can not - he raped the will of the whole republic", and he did it so dirty and defiant that he made Russia a laughing stock. And then the author asks: why only resign? “Vladislav Gasumyanov is a very rich man. Nobody is interested in how a person got such a state, when he worked as a state official for a small salary all his life - in Rosrezerv, then in the Presidential Administration? "
The question naturally arises: why is the author hitting exactly Gasumyanov? When I read reports and comments about the political crisis of the end of last year in South Ossetia, Vinokurov's surname usually appeared there - he, they say, made a mistake. But Epifantsev assures that Gasumyanov “for a long time was the gray cardinal of our international Caucasian policy” and an expert in “sawing”.
Some of my interlocutors in Sukhum recalled a series of articles about him in Russian Internet publications, first of all, the article by Andrey Bessmertnykh "Armenian" mole "in the Presidential Administration", published in September 2011. After reading it, I learned a lot of discrediting people about this native of an Armenian family in Baku, born in 1959, who likes to emphasize that he is an FSB general, and not a clerk. However, my other Sukhumi interlocutor began to assure me that this was all an obvious order, reaching the point of delirium. Yes, they say, a person has many enemies, it just so happened. And he ended unexpectedly: there are no former FSB generals, in a word, Vladislav Ivanovich will not disappear ...
The text contains toponyms and terminology used in the self-proclaimed republics of Abkhazia and South Ossetia
Norilsk Nickel security officer Gasumyanov protects his fellow countryman
"Armenchik" and "Tevosik" started creating a new organized crime group in Norilsk
“On March 12, a telephone conversation took place between the presidents of Russia Vladimir Putin and Armenia, Serzh Sargsyan,” the official chronicle said last week. By a strange coincidence, around the same days, "Russian-Armenian relations" also received an alternative, let's say, rather specific development. As already reported on March 13 by the CrimeRussia news agency, Tevosik allegedly arrived in Moscow with an important "mission" to impose tribute on Armenian businessmen at the invitation of a high-ranking Russian citizen "Mole" - he is also a major criminal authority Tevos Safaryan.
“Tevosik brags to his entourage of plans to create an organized criminal group in Russia ... Norilsk nicknamed "Armenchik", as well as numerous people from the North Caucasus, including those who have family ties with the active representatives of the gangster underground, "says the agency. “As levers of pressure on“ recalcitrant ”businessmen, Safaryan and his accomplices plan to use not only traditional gangster tools, but also the so-called“ press ”along the line of friendly and corrupt representatives of law enforcement agencies (in particular, the UBEP of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia) and other state structures. It also follows from the stories of Tevosik-Safaryan that the “Mole” who invited him to Russia, allegedly, has already demanded a share of 70% of all the money raised as a result of “raids” with his participation. "
A number of Internet publications immediately expressed their assumptions about the identity of the Russian "host" - the aforementioned "Mole". According to the replicated version, it may be a certain Vladislav Gasumyanov, who now holds the position of neither more nor less, the head of the Security Block of MMC Norilsk Nickel.
Tevos Safaryan is usually mentioned when it comes to the founding fathers of Armenian organized crime. In the late nineties, according to media reports, he had a close relationship with former State Duma deputy Ashot Yegiazaryan, who is now hiding from Russian justice in the United States. Back in July 1998, Tevosik was mentioned in connection with the murder of a certain businessman Hovsepyan in Moscow. And in the early 2000s, Safaryan already gained international fame. In Belgium, for example, they were engaged in it in connection with the acquisition of real estate paid for with “dirty” money of dubious Russian-Armenian origin (it was assumed that they were received from the Armenian organized crime group of Armen Gevorgyan). And along the way, they unearthed the connection between Safaryan and the firm MAB ANTWERPEN, not a stranger to Solntsevo. Later, the name "Tevosik" repeatedly surfaced in Russia and Armenia in connection with murders, abductions and extortion against businessmen.
Vladislav Gasumyanov's "work way" is replete with no less surprising details. As the newspaper Rospress reported back in 2011, at the turn of the 1980s and 90s, after graduating from the higher courses of the KGB of the USSR, he works in Azerbaijan and Armenia. “During that period, close commercial ties were established between the young 'special officer' and the criminal guild circles of Caucasian businessmen,” the agency says. In 1993, he emerged in the circle of Robert Kocharian in Nagorno-Karabakh, where he was engaged in "organizing smuggling operations on the illegal traffic of alcohol and cigarettes in the interests of both Armenian and Azerbaijani criminal circles." In February 2003, he was appointed Deputy Director General of Rosrezerv. "Then he unfolded in full: kickbacks," left "contracts with Armenian, Georgian and Azerbaijani businessmen," - lists the Rospress. In connection with the death of the head of Rosrezerv Grigoriev in December 2008, Gasumyanov remains the acting head of this structure from January to March 2009, but is “cleared” of it by the new leadership. But already in May 2009, he held the post of the head of the Kremlin’s administration for interregional and cultural relations with foreign countries, where “he took control of all flows associated with the AP projects in South Ossetia and Abkhazia”. Gasumyanov's quiet move in 2012 from the seat of a government official to the "warm place" of the head of the Security Block of MMC Norilsk Nickel was no longer included in the biography quoted above, since it happened later, and, according to rumors, in direct connection with the exposing publications that thundered in the media.
If, following the media, we assume that Vladislav Gasumyanov(with his very serious connections) and "Tevosik" Safaryan (with his very specific experience) really "find each other" these days, the news of such an "interstate tandem" in its meaning for ordinary people can easily overshadow any official chronicle. Because state leaders - they are somewhere out there, far away, and crime bosses and their high-ranking patrons - they may be on the doorstep of Armenian entrepreneurs tomorrow. And while, at the level of presidents and governments, our countries are moving jointly into the 21st century, authoritative figures of a somewhat different nature are cynically and brazenly dragging them back, already half-forgotten 90s.
“On March 12, a telephone conversation took place between the presidents of Russia Vladimir Putin and Armenia, Serzh Sargsyan,” the official chronicle said last week. By a strange coincidence, around the same days, "Russian-Armenian relations" also received an alternative, let's say, rather specific development. As already reported on March 13 by the CrimeRussia news agency, Tevosik allegedly arrived in Moscow with an important "mission" to impose tribute on Armenian businessmen at the invitation of a high-ranking Russian citizen "Mole" - he is also a major criminal authority Tevos Safaryan .
“Tevosik brags to his entourage of plans to create an organized criminal group in Russia ... Norilsk nicknamed "Armenchik", as well as numerous people from the North Caucasus, including those who have family ties with the active representatives of the gangster underground, "says the agency. “As levers of pressure on“ recalcitrant ”businessmen, Safaryan and his accomplices plan to use not only traditional gangster tools, but also the so-called“ press ”along the line of friendly and corrupt representatives of law enforcement agencies (in particular, the UBEP of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia) and other state structures. It also follows from the stories of Tevosik-Safaryan that the “Mole” who invited him to Russia, allegedly, has already demanded a share of 70% of all the money raised as a result of “raids” with his participation. "
A number of Internet publications immediately expressed their assumptions about the identity of the Russian "host" - the aforementioned "Mole". According to the replicated version, it may be a certain Vladislav Gasumyanov, who currently holds the position of neither more nor less, the head of the Security Block of the MMC "Norilsk Nickel" .
Tevos Safaryan is usually mentioned when it comes to the founding fathers of Armenian organized crime. In the late nineties, according to media reports, he had a close relationship with former State Duma deputy Ashot Yegiazaryan, who is now hiding from Russian justice in the United States. Back in July 1998, Tevosik was mentioned in connection with the murder of a certain businessman Hovsepyan in Moscow. And in the early 2000s, Safaryan already gained international fame. In Belgium, for example, they were engaged in it in connection with the acquisition of real estate paid for with “dirty” money of dubious Russian-Armenian origin (it was assumed that they were received from the Armenian organized crime group of Armen Gevorgyan). And along the way, they unearthed the connection between Safaryan and the firm MAB ANTWERPEN, not a stranger to Solntsevo. Later, the name "Tevosik" repeatedly surfaced in Russia and Armenia in connection with murders, abductions and extortion against businessmen.
Vladislav Gasumyanov's "work way" is replete with no less surprising details. As the newspaper Rospress reported back in 2011, at the turn of the 1980s and 90s, after graduating from the higher courses of the KGB of the USSR, he works in Azerbaijan and Armenia. “During that period, close commercial ties were established between the young 'special officer' and the criminal guild circles of Caucasian businessmen,” the agency says. In 1993, he emerged in the circle of Robert Kocharian in Nagorno-Karabakh, where he was engaged in "organizing smuggling operations on the illegal traffic of alcohol and cigarettes in the interests of both Armenian and Azerbaijani criminal circles." In February 2003, he was appointed Deputy Director General of Rosrezerv. "Then he unfolded in full: kickbacks," left "contracts with Armenian, Georgian and Azerbaijani businessmen," - lists the Rospress. In connection with the death of the head of Rosrezerv Grigoriev in December 2008, Gasumyanov remains the acting head of this structure from January to March 2009, but is “cleared” of it by the new leadership. But already in May 2009, he held the post of the head of the Kremlin’s administration for interregional and cultural relations with foreign countries, where “he took control of all flows associated with the AP projects in South Ossetia and Abkhazia”. Gasumyanov's quiet move in 2012 from the seat of a government official to the "warm place" of the head of the Security Block of MMC Norilsk Nickel was no longer included in the biography quoted above, since it happened later, and, according to rumors, in direct connection with the exposing publications that thundered in the media.
If, following the media, we assume that Vladislav Gasumyanov(with his very serious connections) and "Tevosik" Safaryan (with his very specific experience) really "find each other" these days, the news of such an "interstate tandem" in its meaning for ordinary people can easily overshadow any official chronicle. Because state leaders - they are somewhere out there, far away, and crime bosses and their high-ranking patrons - they may be on the doorstep of Armenian entrepreneurs tomorrow. And while, at the level of presidents and governments, our countries are moving jointly into the 21st century, authoritative figures of a somewhat different nature are cynically and brazenly dragging them back, already half-forgotten 90s.